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Toronto’s rising violence can’t be blamed on the decline of carding

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The new year had barely been rung in —12:35 a.m. — when there was a fight on Queen St. W., the victim taken to hospital in critical condition.

By the time this column is published, that man might be Toronto’s first homicide of 2019, blood splatter on a fresh page as the calendar flips. If not him, some other poor soul.

Across the city, violence struck here, there and everywhere on Jan. 1: A shooting, a stabbing, a broken bottle ground into a male’s face, a hit-and-run collision, several vicious kicks to the head.

Doubtless, as right-wing editorial writers sharpen their pencils, as tabloid columnists crank out vilifying copy, somebody will blame the chronic mayhem on law enforcement stripped of their investigative tools. To wit: the curtailment — not necessarily the end — of “carding,” as mandated by Regulation 58/16, introduced by the previous Liberal provincial government in 2016.

The correlation is dubious.

That is one of the findings contained in a 310-page doorstopper of a report by Justice Michael Tulloch, the Ontario Court of Appeal judge tasked with reviewing how the regulation has been applied throughout Ontario and its effectiveness.

Read more:

Will Toronto see fewer killings in 2019? A violent year ends with record totals — and questions

Carding — a subset of street checks — is a bust, the regulation unevenly implemented, with cops largely uncertain of when they can legally stop and query, leading some jurisdictions to completely abandon face-to-face encounters with the public even when they might have reasonable cause to question, as long as it’s not random or arbitrary but based on intelligence-led “articulable cause,” a “constellation of objectively discernible facts.”

The language is lawyerly dense, which is an intrinsic fault of the regulation, writes Tulloch; perceived as “being too complicated and hard to follow,” written for lawyers, not police officers or civilians. “Even lawyers who I have consulted with agree.”

Example: The regulation sets out information that a police officer must record in a “regulated interaction” — those encounters which fall under 58/16. Yet the required information does not include the location of the stop or the age or the race of the person stopped. “Only by inference later in the Regulation — when such information is required to be analyzed — does it become apparent that such information must be recorded in every stop encounter.”

I’ve spent hours poring over the report and am still not altogether certain I understand all its contents. Whose brilliant idea was it to release the thing at 3 p.m. on Dec. 31, the day before a statutory holiday, to be speed-read by reporters, by which time it was well nigh impossible to reach experts in the field who might provide illumination.

Somebody in the government decided to pull that trick. A Tory government which did not set Tulloch upon this year-long review and which could, if it chooses, ignore its numerous recommendations completely.

Tulloch’s core recommendation is blunt: Random carding has minuscule value as a law enforcement tool and should be sharply curbed where it’s still being practised, specifically because its iffy value is not worth the damage caused to individuals — particularly those in disproportionately scrutinized minority communities, Black, brown and Indigenous — to say nothing of heightening distrust between those segments and police.

“It is recommended that the practice of randomly stopping individuals to gather their identifying information for the creation of a database for intelligence purposes be discontinued.”

Purely random stops, absent any discernible subjective and objective reason for doing so, based on some vague “spidey sense”: Never.

“A widespread program of random street checks involves considerable time and effort for a police service,” Tulloch writes, “with little to no verifiable results on the level of crime or even arrests.”

Many cops will disagree. It is precisely the “spidey sense” that informs their policing instincts as front-line officers with intimate knowledge of a place, a neighbourhood, a scene that feels wrong. But that can’t be enough, Tulloch argues, because of either tacit or overt biases. Under the regulation, race is absolutely prohibited in forming any part of a police officer’s reason for attempting to collect someone’s identifying information — information which no individual is compelled to provide unless police are making inquiries into suspicious activities, investigating an offence that has been or may be about to be committed, or gathering information for intelligence purposes, circumstances wherein a suspect can be detained or arrested.

Simply creating a database containing information on tens of thousands of people who’ve committed no crime — the crux of random carding — is a misuse of resources, an invasion of civil rights and indefensible.

It has become to too easy and knee-jerk malevolent to draw a straight line between carding reduced and gun/gang activity increased in Toronto in 2018. In fact, the Toronto Police Service had voluntarily curtailed street checks since 2014. There was nevertheless a significant decrease in gun deaths between 2016 and 2017 before last year’s surge. Between 2016 and 2018, Tulloch points out, the number of shootings declined by a combined 40 per cent in some designated high-priority neighbourhoods with historically high incidences of poverty and crime. Nor did a steep decline in street checks prevent Toronto police from a 65 per cent increase in gun seizures from 2017 to 2018.

More broadly, Ontario experienced the greatest reductions in homicides, along with Saskatchewan, in 2017, the year that the regulation came into effect.

“Overall, it is difficult to see anything contained in the wording of the regulation or in its proper application that would cause a spike in gun crime or violent crime,” writes Tulloch.

It may be true, however — and I wish that Tulloch had undertaken a deeper exploration of this area — that abandoning street checks has contributed to more flagrant gang activity in Toronto.

The argument pro random carding has become circular, says Tulloch. “Some police street checks were proper. The improper practice of random carding led to the Regulation. The Regulation led many police officers to not conduct any street checks, whether proper or not. The lack of any street checks at all might have encouraged some types of crime to increase. This increase in some crimes has led some people to argue that we should return to random carding. This assumes that it was the reduction of random street checks that caused the increase in some crimes, as opposed to the reduction of all street checks.

“The solution to these issues is not for police officers to fail to conduct street checks when it is prudent and appropriate to do so.”

Which means better understanding of the regulation, improved training and “supporting police officers who conduct proper street checks when there is a subsequent public complaint.”

Tulloch emphasizes that the regulation did not, does not, eliminate street checks. “Without any restriction, police officers can stop, question and ask people to identify themselves — if the officer reasonably suspects criminal activity.”

All that’s changed is that there has to be a good, justifiable or “articulable” reason for asking them to provide their identity.

“That is not an onerous requirement.”

Rosie DiManno is a columnist based in Toronto covering sports and current affairs. Follow her on Twitter: @rdimanno

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Anglais

‘Business as usual’ for Dorel Industries after terminating go-private deal

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MONTREAL — Dorel Industries Inc. says it will continue to pursue its business strategy going forward after terminating an agreement to go private after discussions with shareholders.

« Moving ahead. Business as usual, » a spokesman for the company said in an email on Monday.

A group led by Cerberus Capital Management had previously agreed to buy outstanding shares of Dorel for $16 apiece, except for shares owned by the family that controls the company’s multiple-voting shares.

But Dorel chief executive Martin Schwartz said the Montreal-based maker of car seats, strollers, bicycles and home furniture pulled the plug on a deal on the eve of Tuesday’s special meeting after reviewing votes from shareholders.

“Independent shareholders have clearly expressed their confidence in Dorel’s future and the greater potential for Dorel as a public entity, » he said in a news release.

Dorel’s board of directors, with Martin Schwartz, Alan Schwartz, Jeffrey Schwartz and Jeff Segel recused, unanimously approved the deal’s termination upon the recommendation of a special committee.

The transaction required approval by two-thirds of the votes cast, and more than 50 per cent of the votes cast by non-family shareholders.

Schwartz said enhancing shareholder value remains a top priority while it stays focused on growing its brands, which include Schwinn and Mongoose bikes, Safety 1st-brand car seats and DHP Furniture.

Dorel said the move to end the go-private deal was mutual, despite the funds’ increased purchase price offer earlier this year.

It said there is no break fee applicable in this case.

Montreal-based investment firm Letko, Brosseau & Associates Inc. and San Diego’s Brandes Investment Partners LP, which together control more than 19 per cent of Dorel’s outstanding class B subordinate shares voiced their opposition to the amended offer, which was increased from the initial Nov. 2 offer of $14.50 per share.

« We believe that several minority shareholders shared our opinion, » said Letko vice-president Stephane Lebrun, during a phone interview.

« We are confident of the long-term potential of the company and we have confidence in the managers in place.”

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Anglais

Pandemic funds helping Montreal businesses build for a better tomorrow

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Many entrepreneurs have had to tap into government loans during the pandemic, at first just to survive, but now some are using the money to better prepare their businesses for the post-COVID future.

One of those businesses is Del Friscos, a popular family restaurant in Dollard-des-Ormeaux that, like many Montreal-area restaurants, has had to adapt from a sit-down establishment to one that takes orders online for takeout or delivery.

“It was hard going from totally in-house seating,” said Del Friscos co-owner Terry Konstas. “We didn’t have an in-house delivery system, which we quickly added. There were so many of our employees that were laid off that wanted to work so we adapted to a delivery system and added platforms like Uber and DoorDash.”

Helping them through the transition were emergency grants and low-interest loans from the federal and provincial governments, some of which are directly administered by PME MTL, a non-profit business-development organization established to assist the island’s small and medium-sized businesses.

Konstas said he had never even heard of PME MTL until a customer told him about them and when he got in touch, he discovered there were many government programs available to help his business get through the downturn and build for the future. “They’ve been very helpful right from day one,” said Konstas.

“We used some of the funds to catch up on our suppliers and our rents, the part that wasn’t covered from the federal side, and we used some of it for our new virtual concepts,” he said, referring to a virtual kitchen model which the restaurant has since adopted.

The virtual kitchen lets them create completely different menu items from the casual American Italian dishes that Del Friscos is known for and market them under different restaurant brand names. Under the Prasinó Soup & Salad banner, they sell healthy Greek options and their Stallone’s Sub Shop brand offers hearty sandwiches, yet the food from both is created in the same Del Friscos kitchen.

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Anglais

Downtown Montreal office, retail vacancies continue to rise

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Some of downtown Montreal’s key economic indicators are heading in the wrong direction.

Office and retail vacancies in the city’s central core continued to climb in the fourth quarter of 2020, according to a quarterly report released Thursday by the Urban Development Institute of Quebec and the Montréal Centre-Ville merchants association. The report, whose first edition was published in October, aims to paint a socio-economic picture of the downtown area.

The survey also found office space available for sublet had increased during the fourth quarter, which may foreshadow even more vacancies when leases expire. On the residential front, condo sales fell as new listings soared — a sign that the downtown area may be losing some of its appeal to homeowners.

“It’s impossible not to be preoccupied by the rapid increase in office vacancies,” Jean-Marc Fournier, the former Quebec politician who now heads the UDI, said Thursday in an interview.

Still, with COVID-19 vaccinations set to accelerate in the coming months, “the economic picture is bound to improve,” he said. “People will start returning downtown. It’s much too early to say the office market is going to disappear.”

Public health measures implemented since the start of the pandemic almost a year ago — such as caps on office capacity — have deprived downtown Montreal of more than 500,000 workers and students. A mere 4,163 university and CEGEP students attended in-person classes in the second quarter, the most recent period for which figures are available. Border closures and travel restrictions have also brought tourism to a standstill, hurting hotels and thousands of local businesses.

Seventy per cent of downtown workers carried out their professional activities at home more than three days a week during the fourth quarter, the report said, citing an online survey of 1,000 Montreal-area residents conducted last month.

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