Court rules OSPCA law enforcement is unconstitutional


An Ontario judge has found some of the enforcement powers held by the province’s animal welfare agency to be unconstitutional and says the government must rewrite related laws to remedy the situation.

Ontario Superior Court Justice Timothy Minnema says the provincial government was wrong to grant police powers to the Ontario Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals without also imposing reasonable standards of transparency and accountability.

The OSPCA has had police powers since the OSPCA Act became law in 1919, with the responsibility to enforce both provincial and Criminal Code animal cruelty laws.

Minnema says the OSPCA appears to be an organization that fulfils public functions without being accountable like other police organizations that have to comply with the Police Services Act, the Ombudsman Act and freedom-of-information laws.

Jeffrey Bogaerts, a paralegal with an interest in animal law welfare, launched the constitutional challenge five years ago.

His lawyer, Kurtis Andrews, says his client is ecstatic with the victory and says the ruling will have ramifications for the delegation of police powers to any private organization.


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Kingston police work with international law enforcement after school lockdowns – Kingston


On December 5th and 6th, 10 Kingston schools were forced into lockdown after secretaries and principals received threatening phone calls.

New information was released Monday about the lockdowns, with Kingston police releasing a statement saying that the threats were found to be unsubstantiated and that no actual danger existed at any of the schools.

Pattern of high school lockdowns continues in Kingston

“The Kingston Police is continuing to work with international law enforcement partners to investigate the person(s) responsible for these incidents,” Kingston police wrote in a statement.

During the two days of lockdowns, a new Twitter account surfaced, claiming responsibility for the threats. One of the first tweets read:

“Hi, everybody check out my page for the next school lock downs! I am the one calling in all false threats, I hope you all enjoy your children having to duck under desks for the next 2 hours, soccer moms.”

WATCH: Several Kingston schools locked down

Kathy Patterson, a professor at St. Lawrence College who studies the effects of social media on millennials, says that Twitter has been heavily scrutinized because of the dark aspects that the platform brings. Twitter, however, is also committed to free speech, Patterson argues.

Experts speak out after days of high school lockdowns in Kingston

In a statement, Twitter told Global News that they can only release information on an account if law enforcement has a valid search warrant:

“Private information requires a subpoena or court order: non-public information about twitter users will not be released to law enforcement except in response to appropriate legal process such as a subpoena, court order, or other valid legal process – or in response to a valid emergency request.”

Lockdown lifted at High Park high schools after person spotted with gun: Toronto police

Patterson believes that Twitter must get involved when a user is inciting violence or any criminal act, and that in the past, one of the dark aspects of the social media platform has proven to be that it fuels outrage.

“It is a really complicated issue,” said Paterson. “It’s become a breeding ground for hate speech and some alternative groups. I am a fan of free speech, but I also think if someone is inciting violence then there is a case to close down access for that person.”

On Friday and Monday, many students and staff prepared for lock-downs, although no threats were reported.

Kingston police told Global News that they cannot comment on whether someone has been arrested because they can’t release any more information.

© 2018 Global News, a division of Corus Entertainment Inc.


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ICBC cutting annual advertising budget in half to fund police traffic enforcement


The Insurance Bureau of British Columbia (ICBC) is moving money out of its advertising budget and into police traffic enforcement.

ICBC says it will be cutting the annual advertising budget in half to cover the additional policing costs.

“Drivers in British Columbia who insist on high-risk driving are clearly not following ICBC’s general road safety advertising messages,” Attorney General David Eby said. “Redirecting ICBC advertising dollars to increase enforcement will give police officers more opportunity to deliver a specific and personal advertising message directly to more reckless drivers at the side of the road. That’s a good thing.”

Lend your car out from time to time? There’s now an ICBC fee for that

An additional $2.4 million will be moved to enhanced traffic enforcement throughout the province. After the reallocation ICBC’s total annual investment in road safety traffic enforcement will be $24.8 million.

“ICBC is facing significant cost pressures that really start from one place — crashes,” ICBC CEO Nicolas Jimenez said.

“With crashes at an all-time high in our province, we’re committed to doing what we can to reduce claims costs and relieve the pressure on insurance rates.”

Losses continue to mount at ICBC as basic rates are expected to rise

According to ICBC, there were a provincial record 350,000 crashes in B.C., or about 960 per day, last year.

ICBC will retain approximately $2.4 million in its advertising budget for the next fiscal year. The money will be spent educating British Columbians on the changes taking place to B.C.’s auto insurance system over the next 12 months, along with support for road safety enforcement campaigns.

© 2018 Global News, a division of Corus Entertainment Inc.


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Kingston police step up enforcement after cannabis legalization – Kingston


Now that marijuana is legal, Kingston police are stepping up enforcement on the roads and making sure their officers are ready to recognize if drivers have smoked up before hitting the road.

Although it may seem like everyone has pot on the brain, on day two of legalization, it seems like business as usual in Kingston.

“To my knowledge, I haven’t seen any issues with drug-impaired driving relating to cannabis,” said Constable Fil Wisniak with Kingston Police.

Police say they have several methods in place to sniff out drivers under the influence of marijuana and other drugs.

When will you be charged for driving after smoking pot? ‘It depends on a case-by-case basis:’ Minister

Const. Wisniak patrols Kingston’s streets, and says police will be vigilant in watching the roads.

“With Kingston police, we’re ready and we’ve been putting a process in place.”

Wisniak has been a part of the pot preparation process. He is trained as a drug recognition expert, which means he knows how to tell when drivers may be under the influence of drugs.

“We do a series of eye examinations and psychophysical tests. A balanced, one-leg balance test and a walk and turn test.”

There are at least two drug recognition experts now trained in Kingston. Wisniak says a number of officers have already trained in standard field sobriety testing, and that with the two types of training, officers will have a good idea of who could be driving while high.

“They are able to determine some level of impairment if they perform poorly on the standard field sobriety test,” Wizniak said. “They would be brought into the station to see a drug recognition expert.”

Global News tests new roadside device testing for cannabis in drivers

As for the controversial Dreger breathalyzer, Kingston police say they’re still looking into it. The device tests saliva for THC levels. It has been shown to be inaccurate because it can pick up trace amounts of THC, and can’t determine whether a person smoked up hours or days before.

And despite all the hype around cannabis, Wisniak says Kingston police haven’t caught anyone high behind the wheel, but they will be ready if they do.

© 2018 Global News, a division of Corus Entertainment Inc.


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Too high to drive? Enforcement of drug-impaired driving in Ontario could face roadblocks similar to those encountered in Colorado


And a survey this year of more than 15,000 cannabis users in the state found that nearly 70 per cent of them had driven under the influence of marijuana at least once in the past year. Forty per cent of them said they didn’t think it affected their ability to drive.

“It was a signal that reaffirmed our suspicion that a lot of marijuana users drive after using marijuana. And that’s problematic,” says Sam Cole, a safety communications manager at the Colorado Department of Transportation.

It’s a worrying trend across the U.S., where 12 of every 100 weekend nighttime drivers involved in crashes between 2013 and 2014 tested positive for THC, up from 8.6 in 2007, according to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration. As of this year, recreational marijuana is legal in nine states.

No one knows for sure whether legalization means more people will drive high on Ontario roads, yet rates of drug-impaired driving charges — not necessarily all cannabis-related — have increased here recently, according to Statistics Canada. They are still a fraction of alcohol-impaired charges.

But with Colorado seeing throwback attitudes about driving while under the influence of drugs — not unlike when people thought it was OK to drink and drive — police enforcement has become key.

“Until people aren’t driving impaired, we need to have a robust law-enforcement program that cracks down on drugged driving, just the way we have with alcohol,” Cole says. “Back in the 1980s when MADD started, and alcohol fatalities were sky high, and we started telling people don’t drive drunk, they were like, ‘Oh, I’m fine when I’m drunk. I’m a safer driver. I drive drunk all the time.’

Read more:

Half of Ontario cannabis users have driven after using the drug, according to new poll

OMA president apologizes after calling cannabis a ‘gateway drug’

The buzz about online pot shopping

Next, officers attend a three- or four-day program in Jacksonville, Fla., one of a few locations where there are enough subjects from a nearby drug-dependence clinic who can provide the “volume and the breadth of drug diversity that we require,” says RCMP Sgt. Ray Moos, who is charge of the training.

There, an officer has to correctly assess 12 individuals and determine which category of drug — not only cannabis but drugs in other categories such as stimulants, depressants or hallucinogens — the subject is on.

The officer’s conclusions are then confirmed with a urine sample from the subject.

“It is a challenging course,” says Moos. “The course really assesses how drugs affect human physiology. Officers have to be competent with knowing a lot of different drugs and what category of drugs those drugs would fall under, and how those drugs affect the body.”

About two of the roughly 20 to 24 students in a class don’t pass, he says.

Here in Canada, the evaluations — which take 45 minutes — would be conducted at a police station after an arrest, which will occur based on what an officer sees or smells in the vehicle, from the state of the individual, or because of the results of the standardized field sobriety test, according to Moos.

Officers may also factor in the results of a roadside saliva test that can detect THC. Neither the RCMP nor the OPP have decided if or how they will deploy the devices, which can determine if the drug is present in the saliva but do not determine impairment. In Colorado, the saliva devices were tested earlier this year and the results of the tests will be released later this fall.

Drivers who are arrested may also be required to give a blood sample in accordance with the new legislation, although the RCMP says the “frequency with which this demand is used will be dependant on the jurisdiction in which the offence takes place and the mechanisms in place to facilitate a blood draw.”

Moos says that could mean a visit to a hospital emergency department or another setting, such as a medical clinic that has been authorized to draw blood. A suspected drug-impaired driver’s failure to comply “will result in criminal charges which carry the same penalty as driving while impaired,” says an RCMP spokesperson.

Jennifer Knudsen, traffic safety research prosecutor for Colorado, whose job is to help district attorneys throughout the state prosecute DUI cases for drugs and alcohol, says cannabis legalization has opened up a “whole new world.”

The DAs there not only have to be lawyers, she says, but medical experts, educating jurors on how THC impairs drivers because many of them don’t believe it does.

“Think about someone who is 25 and just graduated from law school and they may have never done a trial. And all of a sudden they have this case where they have to do the science and the law stuff,” she says. “It’s a huge challenge.”

The laws in Colorado around drug-impaired driving aren’t the same as in Canada. For instance, there’s no legal limit of THC concentration in the blood as there is here, where it’s five nanograms of THC per millilitre of blood. Instead, Colorado has a “reasonable inference” law, which says that a judge has the discretion to instruct a jury that a defendant is incapable of driving safely with that level of THC in their blood. It’s not used all the time.

And in many cases, blood isn’t taken, says Knudsen. Testing is expensive and about 30 per cent of drivers refuse the request, willing instead to take administrative penalties such as a licence suspension. As well, there aren’t experts available in far-flung parts of the state to interpret the results of the blood analysis for a jury.

There is also the issue of just how quickly THC leaves the blood.

Knudsen says studies have shown that blood concentration can drop 60 per cent just 15 minutes after someone takes a puff of marijuana. And for some people, taking more than the recommended dose of 10 milligrams of an edible may not result in blood concentrations above five nanograms per millilitre. Results can also differ, she says, depending on whether someone is an occasional user or uses all the time and typically has a baseline concentration in their blood.

“When you’re talking about numbers, and drugs that aren’t alcohol, it’s very difficult,” she says.

Typically, the more someone drinks, the higher the concentration of alcohol in their blood. But THC concentrations fall so rapidly in the blood it is difficult to correlate them to impairment.

In cases involving cannabis, “you could have someone with 23 nanograms and that person is not guilty,” says Knudsen. “And you could have someone who has two nanograms and is guilty. It’s hard.”

But Knudsen says drug recognition expert evaluations are rare and the state, similar to Washington where cannabis has also been legalized, has one of the lowest rates of evaluations in the world.

She says it’s because many of the officers who have the training are in supervisory roles or not available because they’re not on duty. Or she says, there may be one drug recognition expert covering a large geographic area who can’t make it to a site in time to make the evaluation worthwhile.

“There’s a lot of hurdles,” says Knudsen. District attorneys who prosecute the cases rely on what officers observe — what they see and smell in the car, and on the behaviour of the driver at the window, as well as in the roadside sobriety tests.

“We have to put all of that together. And that really is the crux of the case,” says Knudsen. “If we have a DRE evaluation, then that is really the icing on the cake.”

Officers trained as drug recognition experts in Canada (as of Oct. 1, 2018):

N.W.T.: 4 (RCMP), 8.9 per 100,000 pop.

P.E.I.: 13 (6 RCMP, 7 municipal), 8.5 per 100,000 pop.

Sask.: 74 (36 RCMP, 38 municipal), 6.3 per 100,000 pop.

Nova Scotia: 61 (29 RCMP, 32 municipal), 6.4 per 100,000 pop.

Nfld./Labrador: 27 (15 RCMP, 12 municipal), 5.1 per 100,000 pop.

New Brunswick: 28 (13 RCMP, 15 municipal), 3.7 per 100,000 pop.

Manitoba: 42 (17 RCMP, 25 municipal), 3.1 per 100,000 pop.

Yukon: 1 (RCMP), 2.6 per 100,000 pop.

Alberta: 102 (42 RCMP, 60 municipal), 2.4 per 100,000 pop.

B.C.: 111 (75 RCMP, 36 municipal), 2.3 per 100,000 pop.

Ontario: 240 (5 RCMP, 78 provincial, 157 municipal), 1.7 per 100,000 pop.

Quebec: 130 (0 RCMP, 53 provincial, 77 municipal), 1.5 per 100,000 pop.

Nunavut: 0

Total: 833, 2.3 per 100,000 pop.

Source: RCMP


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Rise of right-wing extremists presents new challenge for Canadian law enforcement agencies


OTTAWA—There has been a dramatic rise in the number of white nationalist and right-wing extremist groups operating in Canada over the last three years, causing police and security agencies to reassess the threat the movement poses.

But more worrying, for those who keep tabs on Canada’s extreme right fringe, is that alliances seem to be building between groups as the far-right makes gains in the United States and Europe. At the same time, it’s not clear that Canada’s law-enforcement and security agencies are mounting a similarly concerted response.

Storm Alliance demonstrators walk to the legislature during a demonstration where anti-facists and extreme right groups faced off in Quebec City last year.
Storm Alliance demonstrators walk to the legislature during a demonstration where anti-facists and extreme right groups faced off in Quebec City last year.  (Jacques Boissinot / THE CANADIAN PRESS)

Between 2015 and 2018, researcher Barbara Perry said she’s observed a 20 to 25 per cent jump in the number of right-wing extremist groups active in Canada. Based on Perry’s previous estimates, that would mean anywhere between 100 to 125 active right-wing extremist groups operating from coast to coast.

Perry, who researches hate crimes and the far right at the University of Ontario Institute of Technology, attributed the growth to far-right causes and ideas infiltrating mainstream politics in Canada and other Western countries.

“You’ve got these enabling forces that really promote those sorts of, I don’t want to call them values, but sentiments, attitudes,” Perry said.

“It’s not as anomalous as we like to think. If we look at public opinion polling over the last couple of decades, there’s always a substantial proportion that displays some hostility or distrust or dislike … about immigration, about Muslims, about LGBTQ communities, those others that are frequently targeted.

“But we don’t see it as that, right? We don’t see it as an extension of that kind of value system. We see it as something out of the ordinary, out of character for Canadians,” Perry added.

Aside from the overall growth in numbers and activity — both online and offline — Perry has observed attempts at bridge-building between far-right groups. A rally last July on Parliament Hill, for instance, attempted to bring together some of the bigger names in Canada’s far-right: La Meute, Soldiers of Odin, the III%, Storm Alliance, and the Proud Boys.

The rally could not be considered a success. Fewer than 100 people gathered on Parliament Hill on the Saturday of the rally, which didn’t even merit a counter protest from anti-fascists.

But such alliances between Canadian right-wing extremist groups would be a departure from the movement’s at-times violent and fractious past. In fact, it may be misleading to call it a “movement” at all — the far-right in Canada has traditionally been characterized by infighting, splinter groups, and disorganization, with groups and individuals largely left to the fringes of society.

If that’s changing, as experts claim, it presents a new challenge for Canadian law enforcement and intelligence agencies that have only recently begun to reassess the threat Canadian right-wing extremism poses.

RCMP Assistant Commissioner Assistant Commissioner James Malizia, left, says far-right groups in Canada have become more emboldened in recent years, as waves of populism have rolled over the United States and Europe.
RCMP Assistant Commissioner Assistant Commissioner James Malizia, left, says far-right groups in Canada have become more emboldened in recent years, as waves of populism have rolled over the United States and Europe.  (PATRICK DOYLE/The Canadian PRess file photo)

Far-right more ‘emboldened’: RCMP

The term “right-wing extremism” covers a broad range of ideologies, individuals and groups in Canada. But what little scholarship exists on the groups offers some common themes: nationalism, often driven by racism or xenophobia; a perception that the government is illegitimate or holds no authority over the movement’s adherents; a desire to preserve an imagined “heritage” or “homeland.”

RCMP Assistant Commissioner James Malizia told the Star that far-right groups in Canada have become more emboldened in recent years, as waves of populism have rolled over the United States and Europe.

Malizia, the assistant commissioner for federal policing, stressed the difference between criminal investigations of hate speech or harassment, for instance, and those in the “national security space.” Malizia said far-right groups account for the majority of the RCMP’s criminal investigations into hate crimes, but not the majority of the forces’ national security investigations.

“We’ve seen certainly in the hate space, we’ve seen groups become more emboldened,” Malizia said in an August interview.

“I think one of the challenges is being able to define what exactly the groups or individuals are espousing, whether that is escalating from hate speech to … a path where people are starting to think about heading toward violence.”

Research suggests that hate often does turn into action.

Between 1980 and 2014, there have been more than 120 incidents involving right-wing extremist groups in Canada, according to Perry and co-author Ryan Scrivens’s 2015 research. The “incidents” range from drug offences to attempted assassinations, firebombings and attacks.

That’s compared to seven Jihadist-inspired incidents over the same period, according to Perry and Scrivens’s accounting.

A similar ratio was reported in the United States. According to the Anti-Defamation League’s Centre on Extremism, right-wing extremists and white nationalists were responsible for 59 per cent of all extremist-related fatalities last year. The number of killings at the hands of white supremacists more than doubled compared to 2016, the report noted.

From the fringes to mainstream

Researchers also warn that extremist groups are infiltrating mainstream institutions, particularly law enforcement and military.

In 2015, the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation warned that white supremacists and other domestic extremists had infiltrated U.S. police departments and other law enforcement agencies. The FBI’s report, obtained and published by The Intercept, noted that “militia extremists, white supremacist extremists, and sovereign citizen extremists often have identified active links to law enforcement officers.”

Researchers have warned a similar dynamic might exist in Canada, with far-right groups joining law enforcement or the Canadian Forces to gain access to training and weaponry.

The Star requested an interview with the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) in July. That interview request was declined, as was a followup request sent in September. The Star sent a detailed list of questions to the spy agency, including whether or not it has conducted a threat assessment of the far-right infiltrating Canadian law enforcement.

The agency did not directly address the question.

“I cannot go into specifics regarding how or at what level CSIS resources investigations and threats,” wrote Tahera Mufti, a spokesperson for the agency.

According to a report from the spy agency’s watchdog released earlier this year, CSIS abandoned an ongoing investigation into Canada’s far-right in 2016. According to the agency, the far-right no longer constituted a national security threat — instead, it was a “public order threat” best left to individual police forces.

Perry disagrees with that determination.

“Look at the example of Justin Bourque, killing RCMP officers … If that isn’t a threat to national security … If attacking community members (in the 2017 Québec mosque shooting), killing six people because of their faith is not a threat to national security, to the extent that it ruptures our values, it ruptures our sense of who we are, it ruptures our sense of identity?” Perry said.

“For me that’s a national security risk, as well.”

Unlike in some European countries, Canada’s extreme right has failed to find a comfortable home within traditional federal political parties.

Even Maxime Bernier, whose new People’s Party, which has focused on criticizing “extreme multiculturalism” and immigration, explicitly said xenophobia has no place in his political venture. At least for now, the far right seems to remain largely recognized as toxic to mainstream electoral politics.

An evolving response for an evolving threat?

As evidence of the increasing number and coordination of extreme right-wing groups in Canada mounts, it remains difficult to determine the extent to which there is any concerted national response from police and security agencies.

CSIS reopened its investigation into Canada’s far right after Alexandre Bissonnette killed six Muslim men worshipping in their Quebec City mosque. But the agency has provided little explanation why it considers right-wing extremism part of its mandate now, when it didn’t consider the phenomenon a national security issue in 2016.

Mufti, the agency’s spokesperson, said CSIS is now working “extensively” with the RCMP and local law enforcement “to investigate the threat posed by right-wing extremism as it falls under the CSIS mandate.”

While the RCMP and the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police (CACP) provide some national coordination on terrorism and extremist violence issues, investigations into right-wing extremism are largely left to a patchwork of individual local police forces and hate crime units.

For Bernie Farber, who has been chronicling and combating Canadian hate groups for more than three decades, federal agencies’ slow realization of the threat right-wing extremists pose is frustratingly predictable. Farber, who now leads the Canadian Anti-Hate Network, said when the hate group Heritage Front was active in the 1980s and 1990s, police initially dismissed the threat.

“Nothing ever changes, right?” Farber said.

“We used to hear the same thing from the Toronto police, the RCMP, the OPP and CSIS, that the threat isn’t coming from the far right … What troubles me the most is that I just don’t understand how we don’t learn from our own past experiences. We know how dangerous these people can be. And to pooh-pooh it and say this is not an issue for authorities is at best wilful blindness.”

Malizia said CACP has been encouraging smaller communities, as well as territorial and provincial governments, to develop concrete plans to address a sudden attack.

“It just won’t happen in major centres,” Malizia said.

“We know that from terrorism, we know that from any type of extreme ideology that is violent, that it can happen anywhere.”

But Malizia acknowledged that the public conversation around right-wing extremism is very different from other types of terrorism and crime.

“Is it the media reporting that way? Is it a perception? Could we be doing a better job at bringing clarity to the issue? I think we all probably have a role to play in that,” Malizia said.

“Why don’t we talk about this?” asked Peter Singer, a political scientist and strategist at the New America think tank, which researches security and extremism.

“One reason we avoid talking about it is to avoid appearing too partisan, a desire to be even-handed. But there’s an irony that, in trying to appear unbiased, we actually show bias in not talking about it.”

Singer, the author of a new book on the “weaponization” of social media, pointed to traditional media’s search for false balance in reporting on the Charlottesville rally in 2017.

“We had open, outright white supremacists, nationalists, neo-Nazis, the horrible imagery of marching with torches. But then, more importantly, the killing of a young woman not by (anti-fascists) but a young man who was a white nationalist,” Singer said.

“Afterwards in the United States, major U.S. newspapers ran more op-eds condemning the counter-protesters … than those who had just committed the crime of the killing … It’s a strange thing.”

Part of the problem in speaking about extreme-right violence as a symptom of a larger issue, Malizia said, is that right-wing extremism is not seen as a coherent movement.

Seemingly disparate attacks — like Justin Bourque’s killing of three Mounties in Moncton in 2014, or Alexandre Bissonette’s slaying of six worshippers at the Centre culturelle Islamique due Québec in 2017, or the Toronto van rampage that killed 10 people earlier this year — are not connected to the larger discussion of far-right extremism in Canada.

“The violence tends to be spontaneous and opportunistic, and difficult to detect,” Malizia said.

“When we look at those, it’s difficult sometimes because there may not be that clear trigger that allows us to then prevent. … Those that are closest to the individuals are usually best placed to notice those changes and to flag them.”

Perry told the Star that there has been a “dramatic” change in the willingness for law enforcement and intelligence agencies to discuss right-wing extremism, but she has seen little in terms of plans to address it.

As the movement evolves, the question remains: is the status quo sufficient?

In the coming days, the Star will examine the question from three different angles: how right-wing extremism is finding a foothold in Canada’s military, how different police forces address the growing threat of right-wing extremism, and how the movement is organizing online — and what might be done about it.

Alex Boutilier is an Ottawa-based reporter covering national politics. Follow him on Twitter: @alexboutilier


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RCMP ramping up highway enforcement over Thanksgiving weekend


Dangerous drivers could end up mixing tickets and turkey this Thanksgiving weekend with more officers on the road.

It’s all part of the annual Operation Impact, where police will focus on what they call ‘the big four’ – impaired driving, seatbelts, aggressive driving, and distracted driving- the main causes of collisions on Canada’s roads.

“People need to remember it is illegal to hold, use, manipulate, or view a handheld electronic device while you are operating a motor vehicle,” SGI spokesperson Tyler McMurchy said. “If you don’t, it’s a $280 fine and four points on your license. If you get two of those tickets in a year, your vehicle gets impounded for a week.”

Reporters go wild behind the wheel with SGI and RCMP

Combined members from RCMP and the Regina, Moose Jaw, Estevan, and Saskatoon police services are out on Saskatchewan highways in full force.

With added visibility comes more check stops- and while there’s a focus on public education, police say there are still too many drivers making dangerous choices

On Friday night, Regina police arrested a woman who failed a field sobriety test after a dramatic collision in the city’s north end.

While two vehicles were visibly damaged, there’s been no word on injuries.

It’s unfortunate, but police are expecting more to come.

Operation Impact hands out over 2200 tickets during Thanksgiving weekend

“Typically over a long weekend collisions happen more often. It’s very important to , wherever you’re going, just be safe and drive,” RCMP Cst. Jean-Luc LeBlanc added.

This project is part of Canada’s Road Safety Strategy 2025 – Towards Zero, which aims to make Canada’s roads the safest in the world.

Operation Impact will continue through the rest of the long weekend, with national results expected to be released on Tuesday.

© 2018 Global News, a division of Corus Entertainment Inc.


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